Phillips and Sampson, tailors and drapers

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Street View: 32
Address: 68 Lamb’s Conduit Street

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We saw in a previous post that Isaac Salaman had his business at 69 Lamb’s Conduit Street, but next door Tallis found Phillips and Sampson, tailors and drapers. There is a link between the two neighbouring families as in 1854 Abraham Salaman, son of Isaac, the ostrich feather dealer, married Bloom Phillips, the daughter of Israel (Asher b David) Phillips, the tailor. They were married at St. James’s Westminster and from later census records, it appears that Abraham was – not surprisingly – also involved in the ostrich feather business. But let’s start with Israel Phillips who, in 1830 at the Western Synagogue, married Maria (Reina) Sampson, hence ‘Phillips and Sampson’ as her brother Simeon was also a tailor and lived with the Phillips family at 68 Lamb’s Conduit Street. Neither Phillips, nor Sampson, appear in the 1829 Post Office Directory, so it is unclear when exactly they started trading from Lamb’s Conduit Street, but presumably after Israel and Maria’s marriage. The 1841 census also shows another of Maria’s brother living with them, Joseph, who is described as a bootmaker. We will come across him again later on.

headstone on Israel’s grave (Source – with grateful thanks: Cemetery Scribes)

headstone on Israel’s grave (Source – with grateful thanks: Cemetery Scribes)

The Phillips and Sampson family were not as rooted to one address as the Salamans had been, as in, or just after, 1851, they moved to 40 High Holborn, possibly after the death of Israel in March 1851. The census, which was taken on 30 March, and the 1851 Post Office Directory still have the business at Lamb’s Conduit Street, but the 1856 Post Office Directory found them in High Holborn. The previous occupant of that shop, Joseph Robinson, a bookseller, had been declared a bankrupt in 1851 and apparently moved out shortly after that. A perfect opportunity for the tailors to move to busy Holborn.

Goad's insurance map of 1886 for 68 Lamb's Conduit Street, which has been renumbered to 21

Goad’s insurance map of 1886 for 68 Lamb’s Conduit Street, which was renumbered in the late 1860s to 21

The 1861 census saw Maria Phillips with four sons and four daughters at High Holborn.(1) Simeon and Joseph Sampson are not listed, but in 1871 Simeon is back and given as ‘retired tailor’. Maria was not at home at the time and the census taker duly noted in the margin “The head of the family, a widow, is absent”. We find her at 25 Clifton Gardens with her son Frederick Samuel David, a recent widower, and her grandson Raymond of just 3 months old. Frederick is described as ‘photographer’ in the 1871 census, and, although he lived away from the shop, still traded from 40 High Holborn. Somewhere in the 1870s, the tailoring family moved once again and in the probate record for Simeon, who died 19 December 1878, we find him described as “formerly of 40 High Holborn, but late of 46 Warwick Road Maida Hill.(2) In the later 19th century, many Jews moved from the centre of London to Maida Hill and Maida Vale and the area became known as a predominantly Jewish district with the Spanish/Portuguese Synagogue on Lauderdale Road.

Charles Booth's 1889 descriptive map of London poverty, showing Warwick Road and Clifton Gardens

Charles Booth’s 1889 descriptive map of London poverty, showing Warwick Road and Clifton Gardens

Frederick continued with his photographic company at High Holborn, but we will follow the rest of the family to 44 Warwick Road and will come back to Frederick when the post on 40 High Holborn gets written.

In the 1881 census, we see Samuel Ellis Phillips (usually called Ellis), unmarried tailor, as the head of the family at 44 Warwick Road. Also living there is his brother Louis, also an unmarried tailor, his sister Annie, a widow, and her son Eddie, a scholar. We could assume from all this that Joseph Sampson, Simeon’s brother, left the family after the 1841 census to lead his own life. That is true, he did and became a furrier, but at the end of his life, he returned and the head stone at Brompton Jewish Cemetery reads “Joseph SAMPSON of 44 Warwick Rd Maida Hill who departed this life Sept 4th 1885 – 5646 aged 71”.(3)

From a list of bankruptcy cases in The London Gazette of 4 October 1887, we learn that Samuel Ellis had continued the tailoring business at 40 High Holborn and 44 Warwick Road. He managed to come to an agreement with his creditors and the receiving order was rescinded, so we know that the Holborn address was still in use as a tailor’s in 1887. In the 1891 census, Ellis and Louis have changed places with Louis now the head of the family, but they are still at Warwick Road. Louis died in 1898, but was then no longer living in Maida Vale, but in St. Ann’s-heath Virginia Water, Surrey.(4) And the last of the tailors, Samuel Ellis died in 1917 at Cleveland Mansions, Willesden Lane. His sister Clara Alberts, widow, is named as the executor. In 1920, however, a new probate is granted to Clara’s daughter, Lilian Weil. Samuel’s estate had by then dwindled to a little over £500.(5)

, 8 January 1881

Leeds Mercury, 8 January 1881

This all sounds very boring and straightforward and I was wondering what I could write about the family to interest my readers when I came across a notice in a newspaper about one Clara Govier, 23 years old, of St. Mary’s Terrace, Paddington. Govier was charged at the Marylebone Police Court with “wilfully disturbing the inhabitants by ringing the bell at 44 Warwick Road, without lawful excuse; also with assaulting Ellis Phillips”. Ellis appeared in court to give evidence with his eye bandaged, and claimed that Govier had followed him all day and had been ringing the bell at night. He managed to send her away several times, but she kept coming back and finally struck him with a roll of paper and that was why he had given her into custody. It had not been the first time she had struck him as two weeks before she had hit him on the mouth, but he had not appeared against her, because she promised not to do it again. When asked why she behaved in such manner, Govier said that she “had great provocation” and had five children by Ellis. Phillips said in reply, “I am keeping one child and doing the best I can for her, but she won’t do any good”. The judge ruled that “because you have been profligate, and had a child by a man, is no reason why you should persecute him all the rest of his life”. Sentence: two months hard labour.(6) There does not seem to be any suggestion that Phillips’ behaviour was in any way reprehensible, but different times, different ideas and morals, I suppose. Having said that, Govier may not have been the easiest person to get along with and I could not find any evidence of the five children she claimed to have had. The only possibility is the baptism at All Saints, Harrow, of 15-year old Ethel Govier, daughter of Clara Govier. The 15 years would make 1884 her birth year, so definitely in the right time-frame. Another possibility (or maybe it is the same child?), is Ethel Philip Govier, daughter of Ellis and Clare Gouvier of 7 Lambs Conduit Passage, baptised on 25 February 1883 at St. John the Evangelist, Red Lion Square. Occupation father given as ‘tailor’. An Ellis Govier does not appear to have existed other than in this baptism record. If anyone can solve the Govier riddle, I’d love to know. [Update: Gaby Laws of Cemetery Scribes found an 1891 census for Ethel Govier as a foster child living with Edward Swain, a stonemason from Harrow, and his wife Sarah Ann, along with two other foster children (not named Govier)]

And to round off this post an advertisement for a tailor named Sampson, although this is John Sampson, and quite likely no relation of Joseph or Simeon at all, but as I have not found an advertisement for the ‘right’ Sampson, this will have to do.

1860 advertisement in E. Walford

1860 advertisement in E. Walford’s The County Families of the United Kingdom

(1) Frederick, Lawrence, Louis, Ellis, Jeanette, Annie, Rosetta and Clara.
(2) England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1879. Estate valued at £600. Simeon’s brother Joseph and nephew Frederick are listed as the executors. Frederick is by then living in Bayswater, and Joseph in Hornsey Rise.
(3) http://www.cemeteryscribes.com/getperson.php?personID=I3536. England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1885. Estate valued at £800. His adress is given as “late of Tilekile-lane [= Tile Kiln Lane], Southgate”. Samuel Ellis Phillips, his nephew, is named as the executor.
(4) England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1898. Estate valued at just over £930. His brother Frederick is named as the executor.
(5) England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1918. Estate valued at just over £920.
(6) Lloyd’s Weekly Newspaper, 7 September 1884.

Neighbours:

<– 69 Lamb’s Conduit Street 67 Lamb’s Conduit Street –>

James Yeomans, livery stables

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Street View: 32
Address: 40 Lamb’s Conduit Street

elevation

We are starting this post with a section of a 1752 map showing the top part of Lamb’s Conduit Street. I have turned the original image to give you the same perspective as a modern map with the north at the top. The map was produced to record the ground rents of individual properties in the area (you can see the complete map here) and although it is far too early to be of any use in determining who occupied 40 Lamb’s Conduit Street at the time of the Tallis Street View, it does help to explain why James Yeomans had his name recorded over a whole block of houses. The passage shown on the left of the elevation at the top of this post is the same as the one in the map indicated by the red arrow. The houses over which Yeomans had his name depicted are the ones indicated by a red line. In the 1752 map, the yard behind the houses was occupied by Edward Chapman, hence Chapman’s Stable Yard, and Yeomans occupied the same yard almost a century later, including the houses situated around the yard. The section on the left of the 1752 map is also a stable yard, but that one belonged to Lady Milman and a Mr. Wentworth. Do notice, however, the exit to the north of that yard into what would become Guilford Street.

1752 map (© British Library) Click to enlarge

1752 map (© British Library) Click to enlarge

If we jump forward to the 1841 census, we find James Yeomans at 40 Lamb’s Conduit Street with his wife Elizabeth and children George and Mary. Besides the family, we find various coachmen, ostlers, and stable boys on the premises, which is not surprising considering the type of establishment Yeomans ran. His occupation is simply recorded as ‘livery man’ in 1841, but the 1851 census elaborates that into ‘job master livery stable keeper’. The 1851 census gives his address as 87½ Guilford Mews, so presumably at the other end of the yard from where he lived in 1841. The 1851 census also tells us that James was born in Northamptonshire, which helps to work out that he was probably the James born in 1798 in Desborough as the son of Joseph and Rebecca Yeomans.

In an otherwise not very interesting Old Bailey case of 1832, one John Yeomans gives evidence and says “I live in Brunswick Mews. I drive the chariot, no. 729 – it belongs to my brother, James Yeomans …”(1) Brunswick Mews would certainly be close enough to Lamb’s Conduit Street for John to work there, but there is another reason and for that, I have to go back to two trade cards in the collection of the British Museum.

 (© Trustees of the British Museum)

Trade cards for Joseph Yeomans (© Trustees of the British Museum)

Joseph Yeomans, sadler, cap and whipmaker of 125 High Holborn appears in the Land Tax records for the Holborn area in the years 1789 to 1802, so a lot earlier than John and James Yeomans appear on the scene, but an 1836 report in Jackson’s Oxford Journal relates how some post boys had caused an accident by dangerous driving, and one of them is said to have been in the employ of Joseph Yeomans, Williams Mews, Brunswick Square.(2) And if we look at the baptism record of the children of James and Elizabeth, we see that the address given is Brunswick Mews and James’s occupation as coachman in 1828 and coach master in 1831. Is this too much of a coincidence? The whole Yeomans family seems to have been involved in trades connected with horses and transport, centred around the area of Brunswick Square, And although there is no proof that the Joseph of High Holborn is the same as the Joseph of Williams Mews, nor is there any evidence at the moment to link Joseph with James and John, a close family relationship seems likely.

In 1833, a police constable investigated a case of drunk and disorderly at the Hope public house. He later testifies that the drunken man, one William Jutten, was just coming out of the pub when he arrived and that he ordered Jutten to go home. The official hearing at the Old Bailey and the newspaper reports differ in almost every aspect of the case, but the outcome for Jutten was the same: he died that night of alcohol poisoning.(3) Jutten had been drinking at the pub with his coachmen colleagues for a good part of the day and apparently said that if anyone would buy him another half pint of brandy, he would drink it. The landlord refused to give it him, but James Yeoman came in and bought a half pint which he was to share among his friends, but he did not, and gave it all to Jutten. Yeomans was taken into custody and charged with manslaughter for enticing a fellow well into his cups to drink more. He was taken to Newgate prison to await his trial, but he was acquitted as various witnesses spoke up for him and testified that Jutten had been drinking far too much even before Yeomans came into the pub and that he was in no way forced to drink that final cup of brandy. The criminal register duly noted “not guilty”.(4) Jutten’s name is variously given as Sutton or Gutten and the pub in which the unfortunate event took place was either in Wilmot Street, Brunswick Square, or in Windmill Street, Bryanstone Square. The first is correct. Wilmot Street was the southern section of Kenton Street and there was an entrance to Brunswick Mews in that street. Wilmot Street is now obliterated by the Brunswick Centre. William Jutten was buried on 23 January at Spa Fields.

1830 map by Christopher and John Greenwood showing Brunswick Mews and Wilmot Street

1830 map by Christopher and John Greenwood showing Brunswick Mews and Wilmot Street

According to the report in The Examiner about the events leading up to Jutten’s demise, James was then still to be found at Brunswick Mews as hackney coach master, but at some point, he must have left for Lamb’s Conduit Street. He was certainly at this new address in 1839 when Pigot’s Directory listed him there and in an Old Bailey case of that year, the witness James Walters, says “I live with Mr. James Yeomans, a stable-keeper, in Lamb’s Conduit-street”(5) He may very well have taken over in 1837 after the bankruptcy of James Moorey who had been trading from various locations in London as farrier, veterinary assistant, cabriolet proprietor, and was “late of Rugby Yard, Lamb’s Conduit Street”.(6) Rugby Yard was the “official” name for Chapman’s and Yeomans’s Yard, as Rugby School owned a large section of the land in the area, and indeed, the 1752 map mentioned above was made to keep track of the rents for the Rugby estate. The 1843 Post Office Directory still has the name of Rugby Yard for Yeomans’ place of abode.

1843-pod

Both Yeomans’ children found their marriage partners close to home. In 1845, James Yeomans’ daughter Mary married John William Rope, a confectioner of 31 Lamb’s Conduit Street, about whom you will read more in a forthcoming post, and in 1857, son George married Mary Soutten Hawes, the daughter of a tailor at 67 Lamb’s Conduit Street. Tallis had a Mr. Hopkins, tailor, at that address, so we will see in the post on him how this relates to Hawes. The 1851 census showed James, his wife Elizabeth, son George and various stable men at the yard, but in 1855 James died and left his estate to his wife and two children.(7) George took over as a job master and remained at 87½ Guilford Mews until his death in 1878.(8) The 1881 census shows a Frederick Wright, cab proprietor, at Guilford Mews with various stable men, ostlers and coachmen living in what they still call Yeomans’ Yard. Also in 1881, a redevelopment plan was put forward for Rugby Yard and a request for tender was issued; the firm of Langmead and Way entering the winning bid. What is unclear is whether that included the section called Yeomans’ Yard that ran out of Guilford Mews, or whether it was just the section closest to Lamb’s Conduit Street. Nowadays, the building of the Camelia Botnar Laboratories of the Great Ormond Street Hospital occupy the site in Lamb’s Conduit Street, but I have not been able to work out whether that is still Langmead and Way’s building or a later one. A look at Google Street View shows that whoever built it had a sense of history and the entrance on the left-hand side is still a rounded arch through which you could envisage Yeomans’ hackney cabs coming out.

The Building News and Engineering Journal, 4 March 1881

The Building News and Engineering Journal, 4 March 1881

(1) Old Bailey case t18320405-41.
(2) Jackson’s Oxford Journal, 26 March 1836.
(3) Old Bailey case t18330214-131. The Morning Post, 23 January 1833. The Examiner, 27 January 1833.
(4) Home Office: Criminal Registers, Middlesex, 1833.
(5) Old Bailey case t18390204-641.
(6) The London Gazette, 24 February 1837.
(7) PROB 11/2209/101.
(8) England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1878. Estate valued at £10,000, later resworn at £12,000.

Neighbours:

<– 41 Lamb’s Conduit Street   –>

Mademoiselle Salaman, milliner and dress maker

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Street View: 32
Address: 69 Lamb’s Conduit Street

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It may have been “Mademoiselle Salaman” who made it into the Tallis Street View booklet as milliner and dress maker, but 69 Lamb’s Conduit Street was firmly in the hands of Isaac Salaman, an ostrich feather manufacturer. In 1838, it is his name that appears in the insurance records of the Sun Fire Office, and we also find him in the census records of 1841, 1851, and 1861, although in 1841 the censor mistakenly lists him as John. His wife Jane, however, seems to have been the milliner mentioned by Tallis. She is listed as such in the 1841 census, but the 1851 census no longer gives an occupation for her. In 1841, daughter Betsy is called a milliner’s apprentice, but by 1851 she, and her sister Rachel, have taken up feather making. There need not be any conflict here; the ladies of the household may very well have been making bonnets and such like with the feathers Isaac dealt in.

feather worker from Tabart's Book of Trades, part 2 (1806)

feather worker from Tabart’s Book of Trades, part 2 (1806)

Tabart explained that – of course – geese were used to obtain feathers, but ostrich feathers were the most valuable and

round feathers, such as the woman in the plate is at work upon, are composed of a number of smaller ones: if they are taken from the cock’s neck, they are neatly tied on wire with thread; but if they are small ostrich feathers, they are twisted round an upright wire. The single ostrich feathers have usually a small piece of wire at the end, for the purpose of fixing into the cap, turban, or hair. Women that work at this business can earn two shillings a day. Feathers make a considerable article of commerce, being used for beds, writing-pens, &c. Those imported from foreign countries pay a heavy duty to the revenue. There is also a duty upon ostrich feathers, both in the undressed as well as in the dressed state.

In other words, a luxury product worth stealing, and the Old Bailey records frequently mention the “unlawful possession” of them, but a thief who made it into the Salaman’s house was after other goods. In an Old Bailey case of March 1851, Betsy tells the judge that she lives with her father Isaac whom she describes as a feather-bed maker. Curtains, a shawl and some vases have disappeared from the house and Betsy claimed that, although the street door was usually open during the day, the inner door was kept shut. That may have been the case, but the accused managed to get his hands on the items anyway and since nobody believed his story how he obtained them, he was found guilty and sentenced to transportation.(1) In 1859 and 1860, the Salamans were short of hands and applied for “ostrich feather makers” with “two good hands” and in 1863 they were looking for an apprentice girl.(2) Jane Salaman died in October 1863 and was buried at the Jewish Cemetery at Brompton.(3)

portrait that may or may not be of Isaac (Source: Blackden Trust). See the link for another portrait of a much younger Isaac(?)

portrait that may or may not be of Isaac (Source: Blackden Trust). See the link for another portrait of a much younger Isaac(?)

The year after his wife’s death, Isaac dissolved the partnership he had with Betsy, Rachel and his two sons, Nathan and Myer, as ostrich feather manufacturers at 69, Lamb’s Conduit Street and at 45, Monkwell Street. The four children continued the business for a while, but in December of 1864, Betsy and Rachel withdrew from the partnership. By then 46, Monkwell Street had been added to the business premises.(4) Nathan obtained the freedom of the City in 1866 and he gives his business address as 46 Monkwell Street and his occupation as ostrich feather manufacturer. Myer did the same in 1882, also from 46 Monkwell Street. The 1871 census saw Isaac, retired, and his son Nathan, ostrich feather manufacturer, at 19 Lamb’s Conduit Street. No, they did not move, there had simply been a renumbering of house numbers. Isaac died in May 1872 and was also buried at the Jewish Cemetery, Brompton. Nathan went to live with his sister Rachel and her husband Abraham Simmons, and stayed with them until his death in 1905.(5)

headstone on Isaac's grave (Source: cemeteryscribes.com

headstone on Isaac’s grave (Source – with grateful thanks: cemeteryscribes.com)

After the deaths in 1896 of Myer and Aaron, another of Isaac’s sons, one of the properties of Isaac’s estate was sold and a deed of settlement clearly lists the then beneficiaries of Isaac’s trust. It turned out that besides sons Nathan, Myer and Aaron, Isaac and Jane also had a son Abraham and besides Betsy and Rachel, a daughter Fanny, so four sons and three daughters in total. Betsy is named as Mrs Feist of 43 Rue Chateaudun, Paris, widow, Rachel as the wife of Abraham Simmons, but Fanny seems to have died before her brother as only her children are listed as beneficiaries.(6) Myer had expanded the feather business his father had started and established offices and warehouses in London, Paris, New York & Buenos Aires, and depots in Cape Town, Port Elizabeth and Durban, so it should not come as a surprise that Betsy was living in Paris. The head office in London was named Monkwell House after Monkwell Street (see for a photograph here). The generous income of the family had over the years been invested into property, which turned out to be a very sensible move as feathers went rather out of fashion after Word War I and were by then only used for feather dusters, rather than as items to wear. By the 1920s, the Salamans were more or less the only ones left in London trading in feathers and they ceased trading altogether in 1943.(7) And with the end of the Salaman feather business, this blog post also comes to an end.

French post card of a woman with ostrich feathers in her hat (Saved from Pinterest)

French post card of a woman with ostrich feathers in her hat (Saved from Pinterest)

(1) Old Bailey case t1851003-759.
(2) Various advertisements in Lloyd’s Weekly Newspaper, 1859-1863.
(3) England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1863. Estate valued at under £3,000. Isaac was named as the executor.
(4) The London Gazette, 19 January 1864 and 6 December 1864.
(5) England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1905. Estate valued at over £198,000, later resworn at more than £374,000.
(6) London Metropolitan Archives, CLC/499/MS14743: Deed of settlement of proceeds of sale and stock, by Isaac Salaman, ostrich feather manufacturer, in favour of Nathan and Myer Salaman, 1864, with a deed of release and indemnity from the trusts of the 1864 settlement by Mrs Betsy Feist (nee Salaman) to Nathan Salaman and others, 1897. The LMA has more papers of the family, see here.
(7) T.M. Endelman, Anglo-Jewish Scientists and the Science of Race, in Jewish Social Studies 11/1 (2004), p. 52-92; S.A. Stein, Falling into Feathers: Jews and the Trans‐Atlantic Ostrich Feather Trade, in The Journal of Modern History 79/4 (2007), p. 772-812.

Neighbours:

<– 70 Lamb’s Conduit Street 68 Lamb’s Conduit Street –>

Dolby’s Dining Rooms

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, ,

Street View: 62
Address: 96 Wardour Street

elevation

In 1815, Ralph Rylance wrote in his Epicure’s Almanack that the York Chop-house could be found in Wardour Street, across from St. Anne’s Court. The proprietor at the time was a Mr. Clark, and, according to Rylance

the house is very neatly fitted up, and the handmaids are in general way neatly dressed, which circumstance, added to the goodness of the cheer, constitutes no small temptation to youth of sanguine temperament and vigorous digestive organs. The beef steaks and chops here are capitally cooked.(1)

The chop-house has made it into online search results, not so much because of the neat dresses of the waitresses, but because some of its clientèle became famous; Washington Irving, Edgar Allen Poe and Charles Robert Leslie all dined there. The editor of the modern edition of Rylance’s guide tells us helpfully that Mr. Clark was Christopher Clark, and that leads us to a notice in The London Gazette of 26 October 1827, in which Christopher Clark is described as formerly a captain in the Cumberland militia, but afterwards of 1 Short Street, Finsbury Square, then of 384 Oxford Street, then of 96 Wardour Street, eating house keeper, and lately of 34 Carmarthen Street, Fitzroy Square, out of business. In 1809, Charles Turner, a builder of Hampstead Road insures 96 Wardour Street with the Sun Fire Office. The actual occupant of number 96 is one Pitt, a print seller. In 1828, the executors of Charles Turner once again insure 96 Wardour Street, but this time the Sun Fire Office record states that the property is used by Dolby, coffee house keeper. This is Samuel Dolby who is listed as chop house keeper when the baptism of his son George is registered in 1830 at St. James’s, Piccadilly. But Samuel had not always been a caterer, as earlier records show.

A leg-of-beef shop from George Cruikshank's Omnibus, 1842. Not Dolby's, but his may very well have looked like this (© Trustees of the British Museum)

A leg-of-beef shop from George Cruikshank’s Omnibus (1842). Cruikshank did not depict Dolby’s establishment, but the York chop-house may very well have looked much the same (© Trustees of the British Museum)

The baptism record for son George also gives the mother’s name, Charlotte, which helps to find the other children of the couple. The eldest child seems to have been Charlotte Helen who was born on 17 May 1821, and baptised a little later at St. Anne, Soho.(2) The family’s address is given as St. Anne’s Court and Dolby’s occupation as ‘tobacconist’. This matches the entry in the 1820 Poll Book for St. Paul and St. Ann, which lists him at number 7 St. Anne’s Court. The Poll Book must have been slightly behind with the current state of affairs, as Samuel’s brother Thomas wrote in his Memoirs that during his own trial for seditious libel in the summer of 1821, Samuel “had only about a year and a half been settled in Wardour Street”, which makes it early 1820.(3) An 1824 Old Bailey case tells us a lot more about Samuel’s shop, which, by the way, was then still at number 95 Wardour Street. One William Ramsden Robinson is indicted for stealing 20 printed books valued at 10s from Dolby. Dolby explained the situation in his shop to the magistrates, “I keep a tobacco shop which communicates with my stationer’s shop, by two glass doors. I can see in one shop what is going on in the other”. While Samuel Dolby was in the tobacco department, his wife Charlotte sorted out the issues required by the accused of “Dolby’s Acting Plays”, which had been published by Samuel’s brother Thomas, and put them on the counter in front of her customer.(4) When her back was turned to find some additional numbers the prisoner said he also wanted, he grabbed the books that were on the counter and ran. Mr. and Mrs. Dolby were certain of their identification and, despite an alibi provided by the prisoner’s brother, the jury found him guilty.(5)

theatre

But when and why did Samuel Dolby turn from a tobacconist cum stationer to a chop house keeper? In Pigot’s Directory of 1825 he is still listed at number 95 as a tobacconist, but the 1826 Land Tax records for St. James, Westminster, show him between Harrison and Vidall. Although the tax records do not give any house numbers, Harrison is the first name under the heading of ‘Wardour Street’ in that particular section, indicating that his shop was on a corner, and Tallis has Harrison, pawnbroker, at number 95, and Vidall, carver & gilder, at number 97. This certainly seems to indicate that Dolby took over Clark’s chop-house when the latter ‘lately’ removed himself to Carmarthen Street as The London Gazette of 1827 tells us. Does this mean that Dolby gave up his other business? No, it does not, as as late as 1843, The Post Office Directory lists Charlotte, by then a widow, as both tobacconist at number 95 and keeper of the York chop-house at number 96. But the Dolbys seem to have given up on the stationary side of their business in the late 1820s and this may very well have been a case of collateral damage of his brother Thomas’s bankruptcy in 1825. Samuel may have been more an outlet for Thomas’s publications rather than an independent stationer and the bankruptcy would have cut off his access to cheap editions. See the post on The Printshop Window blog for lots more information on Thomas Dolby’s fortunes and misfortunes.

When Samuel died is a bit of a mystery, but a Samuel Dolby was buried at St. Mary’s, Greenwich, on the 5th of December, 1831, and he is described as of St. James, Westminster. No will has been found for him, so I am not absolutely sure it is him and I cannot explain why he should be buried at Greenwich, but by 1835, the tax records were listing Charlotte and not Samuel, so he must have died before 1835. Although I have not found a marriage registration for Samuel and Charlotte which might have given an indication where he came from or who his father was, we do know that he came from Northamptonshire. The only other snippet we know is that Charlotte came from Oxfordshire as she gives that as her place of birth in the 1851 census and we can surmise that her last name was Niven as daughters Rebecca and Sarah were baptised as Rebecca Niven and Sarah Amy Niven, but that is as far as I got with their origins.

Detail of Horwood's 1799 map

Detail of Horwood’s 1799 map

Charlotte continued to run the two businesses, but seems to have sold the tobacconist’s section in or before 1851 as in the 1851 Post Office Directory she is only listed with the chop-house. She did not continue to live above the shop after her husband’s death, as in the 1841 census she could be found in Newman Street, Marylebone, with her daughters Charlotte, Rebecca and Sarah. In the 1851 census, she is living in Hinde Street with daughters Charlotte, Eliza, Jane and Sarah. She made at least one more move, probably to live with her daughter (see below), as her burial and probate records give 5 Wimpole Street as the address where she died in July 1866.(6) Two of Samuel and Charlotte’s children made a name for themselves, each in their own way. Son George became the manager of Charles Dickens’s reading tour in America, and daughter Charlotte Helen became a celebrated singer.

george-dolby

George was appointed manager of Dickens’s readings tour in 1866. The men probably already knew each other as Dickens was a friend of Charlotte Helen. Dickens and Dolby became great friends and frequently dined together. These tours in England were so successful that Dolby was also appointed manager of the American tour (1867-1868).(7) In 1885, he wrote Charles Dickens as I Knew Him: the Story of the Readings Tour in Great Britain and America (1866-1870), which he “affectionately inscribed” to his sister Charlotte. George at some point went into partnership with Richard D’Oyly Carte, but that partnership as “opera and concert agents” was dissolved in 1876.(8) Dolby also arranged the English tour of Mark Twain to whom he wrote a short note on 4 January 1874 with directions to his house at “2 Devonshire Terrace, Hyde Park, at foot of Craven Hill, one shilling cab fare from the Langham Hotel”. The note said that the Dolbys dined at six o’clock and that they were looking forward to seeing Twain and his friend Stoddard.(9) Despite all these grand acquaintances, Dolby fell on hard times, it is said because of his personal extravagance, and the 1891 census found him at the Cleveland Street Asylum. He died in 1900 as a pauper in Fulham infirmary.

carte-de-visite for Charlotte (© National Portrait Gallery, London)

carte-de-visite for Charlotte (© National Portrait Gallery)

Charlotte Helen was listed as “musical” in the 1851 census, but she was more than just a bit musical. In 1832, she entered the Royal Academy of Music and received a scholarship in 1837. In 1845, she sang in Leipzig under the auspices of Mendelssohn, which was such a success that he even dedicated his Opus 57 to her. She subsequently went on a tour through the Netherlands and France and in 1860 married Prosper Philippe Sainton, a French violonist who had been living in London since 1844. Charlotte became a celebrated contralto vocalist with her own academy which she opened in 1872 after her retirement from professional singing. Charlotte did a lot better than her brother and when she died in 1885, she left almost £1,600.(10) The probate registration gives her as formerly of 5 Wimpole Street, but lately of 71 Gloucester Place, Hyde Park.(11)

Advertisement for Charlotte's music academy in the 1874 London Illustrated News

Advertisement for Charlotte’s music academy in the 1874 London Illustrated News

And the York chop-house? In the 1849 Land Tax records, Charlotte Dolby is listed between Harrison (the pawnbroker at number 95) and Vidall (carver & gilder at number 97) who were the same neighbours as we saw in the 1826 tax record, but from 1850 onwards, the Land Tax records suddenly list a Mrs Niven. Can we assume a relation of Charlotte? It is unlikely that Charlotte suddenly reverted to her maiden name, as in other records she is still known as Mrs Dolby. The name of Niven has disappeared again in the 1856 Post Office Directory and is replaced by that of dining room keeper Charles Alexander Halfhide. His name, however, disappeared a year later, and various other proprietors can be found in the following years, although it is unclear whether they continued the chop-house, and that is as far as I can take the story of the York chop-house.

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(1) Ralph Rylance, The Epicure’s Almanack. Eating and Drinking in Regency London. The Original 1815 Guidebook, ed. by Janet Ing Freeman (2012), p. 117.
(2) The other children were: Samuel (1823-), Eliza (1825-), Jane (1826-), Rebecca Niven (1828-), George (1830-1900), and Sarah Amy Niven (1833-).
(3) Thomas Dolby, Memoirs of T. D. late Printer and Publisher, of Catherine Street, Strand, written by himself (London, 1827), p. 131. Thanks go to Mathew Crowther for sending me this information.
(4) From 1823 to 1825 Thomas Dolby issued his series of plays in paper wrappers at sixpence per number. Thomas Dolby, publisher and printer, had his business in the Strand and at 34 Wardour Street. Read more on Thomas Dolby here.
(5) Old Bailey case t18240715-101.
(6) England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1866. Probate is granted to son George and the effects are gives as under £100.
(7) The Oxford Companion to Charles Dickens. You can also read more about Dolby here.
(8) The London Gazette, 4 February 1876.
(9) Mark Twain’s Letters, vol. 6: 1874-1875 (2002).
(10) England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1885. Probate is granted to her husband.
(11) More information on Charlotte and Prosper can be found in the Oxford Dictionary of Biography.

Neighbours:

<– 95 Wardour Street 97 Wardour Street –>

Alexander Cheffins, music seller

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Street View: 65
Address: 4 Mortimer Street

elevation

The index to booklet 65 of the Street Views, lists Cheffin, music seller, at 4 Mortimer Street, but the elevation in the street plan gives the name of Morse, bookseller & stationer, so what is going on? The bookseller was Edward Morse, who could be found at number 4 in Pigot’s Directory of 1839 and in the 1841 census, but that is more or less the end of the story for Morse, as I have not been able to find out anything else about him; he must have had a very short career indeed. I will leave Mr. Morse for what he was and continue with Cheffin whose name was usually spelled with an ‘s’, so Cheffins. If you search online for Cheffins, you will invariably end up with information about Charles Frederic Cheffins, but that was Alexander’s brother. Charles was the elder of the brothers and baptised in December 1807 at St. Bride’s as the son of Richard and Jane Cheffins. Richard Cheffins worked for the New River Waterworks Company and was a member of the Pattenmakers’ Company, although he described himself as surveyor on the indenture document when he took Charles on as his apprentice in 1822. Charles had a glittering career as mechanical draughtsman, lithographer, cartographer, consulting engineer, and surveyor. He published many maps, of which the majority depicted new railways that were either proposed or being built.

London & Birmingham Railway Map, published by Chas. F. Cheffins, Surveyor, Engineering Draughtsman & Lithographer, 1835 (Source: Andrew Cox PBFA via Abebooks)

London & Birmingham Railway Map, published by Chas. F. Cheffins, Surveyor, Engineering Draughtsman & Lithographer, 1835 (Source: Andrew Cox PBFA via Abebooks)

Charles became assistant to John Ericson who was working on a faster engine for the Liverpool and Manchester Railway. This connection with Liverpool brought Charles into contact with Lucinda Harrison Grey, whom he married there in October 1830, but the couple went to live in London and the 1841 census finds them at 9 Southampton Buildings, Holborn, the address Cheffins continued to use throughout his life. Only in the very last year of his life, 1861, after the death of his wife the year before, did he move to 15 Gloucester Terrace, Hyde Park.(1)

portrait of Alexander (Source: Kateelliott50 at ancestry.co.uk)

portrait of Alexander (Source: Kateelliott50 at ancestry.co.uk)

But back to 4 Mortimer Street where brother Alexander Cheffins had his music business, or at least, he had for a short while. Alexander, as we saw, was the son of Richard and Jane Cheffins, and he too was baptised at St. Bride’s, on 17 July 1814. In February 1837, he married Ann Pattison at All Souls, St. Marylebone. The earliest I found him in Mortimer Street is on the baptism registration for their son Frederick who was baptised on 22 May 1838. Alexander gives his occupation as pianoforte maker, so he was definitely involved in the music industry. The next child for the couple to be baptised is Anne Louisa (21 Aug. 1839). Alexander is then listed as a musical instrument seller, but the address given is 15 Mortimer Street. That section of Mortimer Street is not listed by Tallis, so I cannot say who occupied number 15 before Cheffins. Pigot’s Directory of 1839 also lists Cheffins at number 15, so the occupation of number 4 was as short-lived as it was for Edward Morse. And so was their sojourn at number 15, as the 1841 census already reports them at Upper Rosomon Street, Clerkenwell. Alexander is then a “professor of music”. In 1844, the family lives in Granville Square, in 1845-1851 in Weston Street, in 1852-1856 in Ampton Street, all the while with Alexander described as professor of music. But then, in 1859, when the youngest child, Percy, is baptised, the family is living at Brunswick Street and Alexander is suddenly described as surveyor.(2) What happened? Was music no longer profitable enough? Or perhaps, he was not as musical as he made out? The only publication I found for him is a ballad, “The Happy Bride” which begins: They said she was married. The text is by J.H. Jewell and the music by Cheffins.(3)

Whatever the reason for Alexander’s change of profession, from 1859 onwards he is variously described as draughtsman or surveyor. In other words, he followed in his father and brother’s footsteps. And in 1865, he is given a provisional patent as a mechanical draughtsman for an invention to improve the construction of omnibuses.(4) In 1871 and 1881 the census found him at Kentish Town. He died in 1885. Son Edwin had a similar job change as his father; in 1871 he was listed as a railway clerk, but in 1881 as a pianoforte tuner. Music, drawing and mechanics were apparently skills that went together in this particular family.

Milliner from Tabart's  Book of Trades, volume 2 (1806)

Milliner from Tabart’s Book of Trades, volume 2 (1806)

And 4 Mortimer Street? We saw Edward Morse there in the 1841 census and he had his name plastered on the front of the building in the Street View, but most of the building must have been overrun by the women of Anna Maria Hammans’s milliner’s business. The occupation of the building by the Hammanses pre- and post-dates that of Morse and Cheffin, so it seems that it was a multi-business property. The Hammanses were already there in early 1834, when Maria and Rebecca Hammans of 4 Mortimer Street dissolve their partnership, but possibly long before that.(5) In 1841, Anna and at least nine women were living at the property, besides bookseller Morse, a porter and three gentlemen who were listed as independent. One of the milliners was Elizabeth Abrahall who is mentioned in Anna’s will of 1845 as her sister and who is left the business.(6) The 1851 census does indeed see Elizabeth Abrahall at number 4 as dressmaker, although the 1851 Post Office Directory still has the name of Anna Maria Hammans for number 4. The 1856 Post Office Directory names the firm Mrs Elizabeth Hammans & Co. By 1861, however, her place has been taken by Eliza Johnson, a lodging house keeper. And is this the whole story? No, censuses and Tallis do not tell us everything. We know, for instance, that in 1848, one Jacques Robert Lavenne, heraldic engraver and fancy stationer, was listed as “late of no. 4” in the bankruptcy records. And the same goes for John James MacGregor, surgeon, who had to appear before the commissioners in 1855. What does seem clear is that 4 Mortimer Street, contrary to many long-running single-family businesses listed in the Street Views, had numerous occupants, as well as a resident family not mentioned in Tallis, in the years just before, during and after the period in which Tallis produced his booklets.

—————-
(1) Charles was buried at All Souls, Kensal Green 28 October 1861. England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1861. Estate valued at under £35,000. Sons Charles Richard and George Alexander were two of the executors.
(2) Children: Frederick, bapt. 22-05-1838; Anne Louisa, bapt. 21-8-1839; Henry Alexander, bapt. 31-10-1841; Richard Albert, bapt. 8-9-1844; Julia, bapt. 8-11-1845; Herbert George, bapt. 23-05-1852; Edwin John, bapt. 17-9-1854; Alfred Courtenay, bapt. 8-6-1856; and Percy Frank, bapt. 28-8-1859.
(3) British Library music collection H.282.o.(8).
(4) Patent Office, Chronological and Descriptive Index of Patents, Cheffins, 27th July 1865.
(5) The Hammanses came from Garford, Berkshire. Rebecca, Maria, Anna Maria and Elizabeth were all daughters of William Hammans and his wife Elizabeth.
(6) PROB 11/2022/350. Elizabeth Hammans had married John Abrahall by licence on 28 July 1828.

Neighbours:

<– 5 Mortimer Street 3 Mortimer Street –>

Sharp & Son, tea dealers & grocers

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Street View: 56
Address: 56 Fenchurch Street

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The vignette in the Tallis Street View booklet (see below) shows the grocery run by successive members of the family from – as they claim on their facade – 1725 onwards. The earliest Land Tax record I could find for a Sharpe, Thomas Sharpe that is, at the property on the corner of Fenchurch Street and Mark Lane, however, is 1731. In 1730 the property was still listed for Dorothy Pope, but that does not mean that the grocery shop had not been started in 1725, just not at number 56. In 1756, according to the indenture signed on the 13th of April that year, Lancelot Sharpe, son of Thomas Sharpe, Citizen of London and Grocer, “doth put himself apprentice to his father”. The indenture paper does not give father Thomas’s address, but son Lancelot is mentioned in The London Directory for 1772 as grocer and confectioner at 56 Gracechurch Street. The following year, Lancelot obtained a licence for his marriage to Sarah Till and they were married at St. Katherine Coleman on the 18th of November by the curate of St. Mary Woolnoth, John Till, Sarah’s brother. In 1827, the reverend John Till (1768-1827) of Hayes, Kent, mentions his sister Sarah Sharpe of Stoke Newington, widow, in his will, and also his nephew Lancelot Sharpe, rector of All Hallows Staining.(1) Lancelot, the son of grocer Lancelot, had been chaplain to the countess of Loudoun and was presented with the “perpetual curacy of All Hallows Staining, Mark Lane on the unanimous nomination of the Worshipful Company of Grocers”.(2)

vignette

List of products for sale at Sharpe's (© Trustees of the British Museum)

List of products for sale at Sharpe’s (© Trustees of the British Museum)

But back to the grocer in Fenchurch Street. Lancelot and Sarah had two sons who went into the grocer’s business: Richard Scrafton (baptised 1777) and Thomas (baptised 1780). Richard Scrafton became his father’s apprentice in 1791 and Thomas in 1794, so a regular family business. The British Museum has a small leaflet of the grocery shop listing the items they had for sale, such as coffee and sugar, but also slightly more exotic products, such as cinnamon, dates and lemon peel, and even macaroni and pistachio nuts. Lancelot senior died in 1810 and in his will he mentions, besides Richard and Thomas, two daughters, Ann and Catherine, his son, the reverend Lancelot, and another son, Charles, who had gone into partnership with Vernon & Hood of the Poultry, publishers.(3) Richard Scrafton and Thomas continued the grocery shop in Fenchurch Street under the name of L. Sharpe & Sons and are listed as such in The Post Office Directory of 1814. That the two men were in partnership is made clear in an Old Bailey case of 1822 where one Edmund Tucker, shopman, is tried for stealing 7 lbs. of coffee, valued at 14s. from his employers, the Sharpes. He had pretended to be making up a parcel with an order for a friend, while in fact, the woman receiving it was his wife, and the amount of coffee delivered was more than officially left the Sharpe shop and was paid for.(4)
Advertisements show that Lancelot, and later his sons Richard and Thomas, were proud of the imported exotic food they could supply.

The Morning Chronicle, 30 March 1814

The Morning Chronicle, 30 March 1814

The Morning Post, 22 December 1824

The Morning Post, 22 December 1824

The Morning Post, 3 February 1827

The Morning Post, 3 February 1827

In 1831, the partnership between the brothers came to an end and Thomas removed himself to 44 Bishopsgate Street Within.(5) His story will be told in a later post, but for now, we will continue with the shop in Fenchurch Street. In 1840, Richard’s son Frederick obtained his freedom of the City by patrimony and joined the firm. An advertisement in the Tallis Street View booklet shows that Sharpe & Son had fallen in with the nineteenth century fashion of calling a grocery that also sold foreign food stuff an Italian warehouse, regardless of the fact that most of the products did not come from Italy at all, see, for instance, also Edward Brown of Wardour Street. In the 1851 census, Richard, by then a widower, is listed at number 56 as a grocer employing five men with Frederick also living there as his business partner. Two unmarried daughters, Caroline and Clara, are also living at home and described as grocer’s daughters, so presumably working in the business. Richard died the following year and left substantial sums of money to his children.(6)

advertisement in the Tallis Street View booklet

advertisement in the Tallis Street View booklet

Frederick continued the business, but not at number 56, as the Land Tax record for 1853 noted that the house (and some of the neighbouring properties) had been pulled down. The record for 1854 says “rebuilding” and in 1855, the property is listed for a Mr. Brown. So, where did Frederick go? In the 1856 Post Office Directory, a Frederick Sharpe (late Henry Sharpe), grocer and dealer in British wines is listed at 44 Bishopsgate within and 4 Gracechurch Street. The Bishopsgate address is familiar as that is where his uncle Thomas went after the termination of the partnership with Frederick’s father, but is he the same Frederick? We will sort out the Bishopsgate address some other time, but 4 Gracechurch Street was certainly the address of a Frederick Sharpe till 1873. This Frederick did not live in Gracechurch Street and in the 1861 census, the property is listed for several people without an occupation, except for one John Gray, who is listed as a grocer’s assistant. In 1871, two of the women listed in 1861 are still there and this time with the occupations housekeeper and general servant, which still does not help us much. Grocer Frederick in the mean time was living at Stoke Newington (1861), Hampstead (1871) and Lee, Kent (1881). In this last census he is listed as “retired”. To prove that Frederick of 4 Gracechurch Street was the same as Frederick of 56 Fenchurch Street, I will make a detour to the land of literature, starting with the first lines of a poem:

In a snug little cot lived a fat little mouse,
Who enjoyed, unmolested, the range of the house;
With plain food content, she would breakfast on cheese,
She dined upon bacon, and supped on grey peas.

The lines are from the poem ‘The Country Mouse and the City Mouse’, written by Richard Scrafton Sharpe, yes indeed, our grocer. It was derived from one of Aesop’s Fables (see here) and was one of the poems in Sharpe’s collection of Old Friends in a New Dress which his son Frederick lists as being definitely written by his father. He mentions a few more titles in reply to a query in Notes and Queries by R. Inglis who wanted to know who had written Theodore and Matilda.(7) Fortunately for this post, Frederick adds his address on the bottom of his reply, 4 Gracechurch Street, thereby not only confirming the authorship of his father, but also his own address after the shop in 56 Fenchurch Street was demolished. The family business therefore existed for some 125 years in Fenchurch Street and afterwards for roughly another 25 years in Gracechurch Street. Not bad!

1870-notes-and-queries-4th-s-v5-p16

(1) PROB 11/1723/23.
(2) The Orthodox Churchman’s Magazine, February 1802. The grandson of the reverend, Richard Bowdler Sharpe became a famous zoologist, see here.
(3) PROB 11/1517/14. Charles later went to Dublin and used 56 Fenchurch Street as the address where his catalogues could be obtained. For instance: advertisement in Freeman’s Journal and Daily Commercial Advertiser, 23 August 1843.
(4) Old Bailey case t18220220-66.
(5) The London Gazette, 30 September 1831.
(6) PROB 11/2155/243.
(7) Notes and Queries, 4th Ser., v.5 (June 1870), p. 560; and Idem, 4th Ser., v.6 (July 1870), p. 16.

Neighbours:

<– 57 Fenchurch Street 55 Fenchurch Street –>

William John Huggins, marine painter

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Street View: 2
Address: 105 Leadenhall Street

elevation

Although at first sight, William John Huggins seems to have had a substantial house in Leadenhall Street, in fact, all he probably had was an entrance in the street, with a narrow alley leading to his house which was situated behind numbers 104 and 106. Horwood’s 1799 map and Goad’s 1886 insurance map show the actual situation. It is, however possible that Huggins used one of the front rooms of number 106 as his shop. Number 106 was listed in the Street View for F.S. Crawley, modeller, who will get a blog post of his own sometime in the future. Huggins did manage to have his name prominently depicted on the Street View elevation, suggesting number 106 was where his business was, but no evidence has come to light that he actually occupied that house in addition to number 105, so I assume it was rather an advertorial opportunity rather than a depiction of the actual situation.

The 1799 situation from Horwood's map on the left and the 1886 situation from Goad's insurance map on the right

The 1799 situation from Horwood’s map on the left and the 1886 situation from Goad’s insurance map on the right

In 1825, William John Huggins (sometimes given as John William), marine painter, acquired the freedom of the City by redemption. A note at the bottom of the document states that Huggins had been admitted as freeman of the Fanmakers’ Company in December 1823. And the 1829 Post Office Directory lists Higgins as marine painter & print seller at number 105, so it would appear that he started his career in the 1820s, but that is only half the story, as he used to be a ‘sailor’ in the service of the East India Company and had hence every opportunity to make numerous drawings of ships, coastlines and landscapes. The only documented voyage for him is one in 1812-1814 to Bombay and China when he served as steward to Captain James Buchanan on the Perseverance. Already in 1817, he exhibited a picture in the Royal Academy, “The honourable Company’s ship Lowther Castle off St. Helena”. His address is then gives as 36, Leadenhall Street, and only with his exhibit of 1823, “The James Watt steam packet towing the Royal George yacht”, is his later address of 105 Leadenhall Street mentioned. He may have rented that place first of all as the Land Tax record of 1828 lists the house for one Jane Davis and only in 1829 does Huggins’s name appear as “Huggins & others”. No indication, unfortunately, who the ‘others’ were, although in 1831, the house is listed for Young & Huggins.

SS 'James Wyatt' Towing the Royal Yacht, 'Royal George' on the Visit of George IV to Edinburgh, August 1824 by William John Huggins (© Fishing Heritage Centre / North East Lincolnshire Museum Service)

SS ‘James Wyatt’ Towing the Royal Yacht, ‘Royal George’ on the Visit of George IV to Edinburgh, August 1824 by William John Huggins (© Fishing Heritage Centre / North East Lincolnshire Museum Service)

A trade card in the British Museum collection gives 105 Leadenhall Street as the address for Huggins, but it also says “removed from Merles 36 opposite”. Number 36 at the time of Tallis’s Street View was occupied by E. Fisher, a carver and gilder, but the 1822 indenture for William John’s son, James Miller, tells us more. James Miller is described as the son of John Huggins of Leadenhall Street, artist, and his master as Thomas Robert Merle of the same place, carver and gilder. Only in 1841, did James Miller seek the freedom of the City and he does so by testifying that he had been bound to Merle in October 1822 and had served the full seven years of his apprenticeship. Merle’s father had had his frame maker’s business at 36 Leadenhall Street at least since 1783. See for more information on Thomas Robert Merle and his father Thomas Merle the National Portrait Gallery’s website here.

trade card (© Trustees of the British Museum)

trade card (© Trustees of the British Museum)

Huggins was assisted by Thomas Duncan, whose son, Edward Duncan married Huggins’ daughter Berthia, named after her mother. Huggins probably taught all his children to draw and a tantalising glimpse of daughter Berthia’s skills can be seen in a drawing of the figurehead of the ‘Druid’, now in the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich (see here). Edward was responsible for many of the prints made after Huggins’s paintings, for instance the one below of the crowd watching ships coming into St. Katherine Docks on the opening day in 1828. On 20 September 1830, William John was appointed marine painter to William IV, who commissioned three large paintings of the battle of Trafalgar. The first two were shown at Exeter Hall in 1834.

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Exhibition entrance ticket and catalogue (Source: Peter Harrington)

Exhibition entrance ticket and catalogue (Source: Peter Harrington)

Huggins died in 1845, 63 or 64 years old, and, although the Dictionary of National Biography says that nothing is known about his parents, it is not so difficult to work out that William John Huggins and Berthia Miller were married 27 March 1804 at St. Clement’s, Oxford, and their eldest son William was registered at St. Clement’s with the note “born and baptised at Kidlington”. The couple must have moved to London before July 1807 as on the 5th of that month, their third child, James Miller, was baptised at St. Luke, Old Street. William sr. died on 19 May 1845, according to The Era “after one or two days’ illness” and was buried on the 24th at St. James’s, St. Pancras. The burial register lists his age as 63, but most other sources give 64. The reception of his painting was varied; E.C. Needham, who wrote about ‘Painters within the City Gates’ in the June 1885 issue of London Society: An Illustrated Magazine of Light and Amusing Literature said of his work “unluckily for his fame, his works are tame in design, his skies bad in colour, his seas poor and thin”, but his obituary in The Gentleman’s Magazine was a lot more positive, “his portraits of ships … were excellent, and the scenery displayed many a sunny spot of beautiful colouring, particularly in his delineations of Chinese landscape”. Huggins left his estate to his wife and his unmarried daughters, which suggests that the other children predeceased him or that he had already given them money on their marriage.(1)

The Morning Post, 23 October 1845

The Morning Post, 23 October 1845


The Opening of the St. Katherine Docks, engraved by E. Duncan after W.J. Huggins. (© Trustees of the British Museum)

The Opening of the St. Katherine Docks, engraved by E. Duncan after W.J. Huggins. (© Trustees of the British Museum)

The 1848 and 1851 Post Office Directories list Henry Edgerley of the Golden Anchor, public house, at number 105, but other businesses used the address as well. In 1849, for instance, J. Witham of number 105 sent out a 4-page booklet on Phillips’ patent fire annihilator, which has ended up in the collection of the International Institute of Social History. There is another copy of a few years later in the British Library collection. William Henry Phillips had a chequered career, but the fire annihilator was one of his more successful inventions. However, by 1853, he, for one reason or another, no longer wished to be associated with the Company and arrived one day at the office in Leadenhall Street where he started tearing up the leaflets. He was bound over to keep the peace.(2) And with this disruptive episode in the history of 105 Leadenhall Street, I will end this post.

Top part of leaflet on Fire Annihilator, 1852 (© British Library)

Top part of leaflet on Fire Annihilator, 1852 (© British Library)

(1) PROB 11/2022/341. Children: William (1804-?), John (1805-?), James Miller (1807-1870), Berthia (1809-1884), John (also known as John William, 1811-?), Elizabeth Mary (1813-?), Amelia (1817-?), and Sarah Christina (1821-?).
(2) Deborah Colville: ‘From Aerodiphros to Painless Dentistry: Bloomsbury’s Notable Inventors’ online here.

Neighbours:

<– 106 Leadenhall Street 104 Leadenhall Street –>

William Benson Whitfield, surgeon

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Street View: 32
Address: 64 Lamb’s Conduit Street

elevation

William Benson was the son of John Whitfield, cheesemonger at 16 Lamb’s Conduit Street, and Hannah Benson, from whom he derived his second name, Benson. He did not become a cheesemonger as his father and several of his relations had done, but he opted for a medical profession.(1) The 1841 census records him as a surgeon at 64 Lamb’s Conduit Street and the London Medical Directory for 1846 tells us that William Benson was a general practitioner with a Licence of the Society of Apothecaries since 25 August 1836, and a member of the Royal College of Surgeons since 28 July 1837. The Student’s Handbook for the Medical Department of King’s College, London for 1845 contains a list of students who had won prizes in the medical department and William Benson’s name is mentioned quite a few times:
Session 1831-1832: botany and medicine
Session 1832-1833: botany and midwifery
Session 1833-1834: midwifery and medicine
Session 1834-1835: general medical proficiency, surgery and forensic medicine
It would be nice to know why exactly he received these prizes. Perhaps the archives of King’s College can tell us more, but I gather from their online catalogue, that the file holding the examination results and prizes only starts in 1860.

The 1882 Goad insurance map with William Benson's house number 35 (was 64) circled and on the opposite side number 34 (was 16) his father's shop

The 1882 Goad insurance map with William Benson’s house number 35 (was 64) circled and on the opposite side number 34 (was 16), his father’s shop

In 1843, William Benson Whitfield married Margaret Benning and this is where it gets complicated: William Benson’s father John had a half-brother William, butterman at 44 Old Bond Street, who had married Jane Barbara Benning, the daughter of James Benning, surgeon of Barnard Castle.(2) One of Jane’s brothers was William Benning, the law bookseller of 43 Fleet Street; another brother was Joseph Anthony, whose daughter Margaret became the wife of William Benson. In other words, William Benson Whitfield married the niece of his father’s sister-in-law.(3) And because he lived in London and would in normal circumstances require a license issued by the Vicar General of the archbishop of Canterbury, while she lived in Staindrop, County Durham, and would require a licence from the archbishop of York, he applied for a marriage licence from the Faculty Office, as one was supposed to do in the case of partners living in different ecclesiastical provinces. The license was issued on 21 September 1843 and was valid for three months. William Benson and Margaret do not seem to have had any children. The 1851 and 1861 censuses list William and Margaret at 64 Lamb’s Conduit Street, but by 1871 they had moved to Trimpley, Ellesmere, Shropshire. In the accounts for the years 1865 and 1866 of the Bedford Charity, 64 Lamb’s Conduit Street is listed for “J. Whitfield (per T. Robinson)”.(4) Thomas Robinson, M.R.C.S. London, M.D. St. Andrews, General practitioner, must have taken over the medical practice from Whitfield as he was listed at number 64 (then 35) in the 1871 census. William Benson died in Ellesmere in 1889 and his probate record gives his widow Margaret as the sole executor. His estate was first valued at £8,415, but later resworn at £7,870. Margaret died in 1900 and had named George Corpe Whitfield, the son of William Benson’s uncle, George Pinckney Whitfield, as her executor. Her estate was first valued at £11,533, but resworn at £10,654.

As can be expected of a surgeon or general practitioner, William Benson was regularly asked to give evidence at inquests or court cases, and he also performed autopsies. In 1865, John Cockle, physician to the Royal Free Hospital, wrote a book on intra-thoracic cancer, a collection of previously published papers on the subject. On pages 105-111 he included a paper published in 1854 in the Association Medical Journal on ‘encephaloid cancer of the lungs simulating laryngeal phthisis’. The patient with the disease died and William Benson performed the autopsy. I will spare you the gruesome detail, but if you want you read them here. Whitfield himself wrote about one of his cases in a learned journal, The Lancet from which The London and Edinburgh Monthly Journal of Medical Science (1842) abridged the following report, which clearly shows that the treatment of diseases had a long way to go before they even resembled the kind of treatment we now expect. Below is the first part of Whitfield’s description, but, if you want, you can read the whole article here.

1842-the-london-and-edinburgh-monthly-journal-of-medical-science

An example of evidence Whitfield had to give in a court case is that of the 1842 Old Bailey case against William Wells, accused of beating the child of his partner while she was out to do some shopping. Whitfield gave evidence as he had examined the child a few days later, stating that the injuries on the child’s head could have been caused by the bed rail as was alleged. The neighbours also testified against the accused and, although – fortunately – the injuries were not fatal, Wells was sentenced to one year in prison.(5) All in a days work for a doctor, one might say, but in 1849, things were very different. Whitfield was called to Bartholomew Peter Drouet’s establishment for pauper children in Tooting where a serious outbreak of cholera had occurred. The children were referred to Drouet’s by various London parishes and he housed as many children as he could cram into the available space. In 1848, he housed around 1400 children and as was almost inevitable, an outbreak of a contagious disease had catastrophic consequences. In the 1848-1849 cholera outbreak, some 180 children died. The inspector from the Board of Health who visited Tooting in early 1849 reported that the overcrowding and lack of ventilation had certainly contributed to the spreading of the disease. Many children were removed, but many were not and suffered unnecessarily because of that decision. The children came from various parishes and were hence dependent on the decisions of the parish to which they belonged.

The various inquests on the death of the children saw very different outcomes, but the one held on the children from Holborn tried to prove Drouet guilty of manslaughter. He was tried at the Old Bailey in April 1849 and Whitfield gave evidence as one of the medical officers of the Holborn Union. He stated that he had seen the establishment on the 4th of January and that 156 children, on his recommendation, were removed the following day. Despite overwhelming evidence that poor sanitation, inadequate food and cold had not done the children any good, Drouet was found not guilty as the children had died of cholera and it could not be proven that their individual deaths were due to neglect on Drouet’s part.(6) The verdict caused great outrage and Charles Dickens, who had already – anonymously – submitted several critical articles in The Examiner on Drouet’s establishment, wrote on 23 April in the same paper, “The peculiarity of this verdict is, that while it has released the accused from the penalties of the law, it has certainly not released him from the charge”. According to Dickens the prosecution had established that Drouets’ treatment of the children was appalling and he wished that the law had been enforced “with less tenderness for Drouet and more concern for his victims”. Drouet died a few months later in Margate. You can read more about Drouet, the court case and Dickens’s articles here.

 

But medical issues were not William Benson’s only worry. His father John’s will contained the following clause,

I give and devise unto my Son W[illia]m Benson Whitfield my brother George Pinckney Whitfield and William Todd of Barnsbury Park in Islington their heirs & ass[ign]s my messuages burgages or dwelling houses with the appurt[enance]s situate near the entrance into the church yard from the Market Place of Barnard Castle in the County of Durham and w[hi]ch were purchased by my said late Grandfather and also my part & share of the freehold messuages workshops warehouses yards & tenements at Barnard Castle afore said with the appurt[enance]s & of the mill & appurt[enance]s at or near Bowes in the Co[unt]y of York w[hi]ch are held by me in common with my partners in a Carpet Manufactory To hold the same unto the said W[illia]m Benson Whitfield Geo[rge] Pinckney Whitfield & W[illia]m Todd their heirs & ass[igns] Upon the Trusts hereinafter specified I give devise & bequeath unto the s[ai]d W[illia]m Benson Whitfield Geo[rge] Pinckney Whitfield & W[illia]m Todd then ex[ecute] & adm[inister] all my leasehold tenements & also all my money plate linen & household furniture stock in trade book debts & all of my Personal Estate & effects and also my part or share of the capital and stock of the s[ai]d carpet manufactury upon the trusts hereina[fter] specified …(7)

John Whitfield had been a partner in the carpet manufactury in Barnard Castle of Monkhouse, Whitfield & Dixon. In the early part of the 19th century, the workers of the town had their livelihoods threatened by a sharp decline in the demand for woollen cloth and an alternative source of income was provided by the opening in 1815 of the Monkhouse carpet factory. Whitfield joined Monkhouse and Dixon in the 1820s, possibly after the death of his father and uncle who both died in 1824 and left him substantial assets. In 1843, William Benson Whitfield, George Pinckney Whitfield, and William Todd, as executors of the will of John Whitfield, went into partnership with Joshua Monkhouse as Monkhouse & Company, but the partnership was already dissolved in 1845, and the carpet factory became known as Joshua Monkhouse & Sons and after Joshua’s retirement as Monkhouse Bros.(8)

64 Lamb's Conduit Street in 2016 (now no. 35)

64 Lamb’s Conduit Street in 2016 (now no. 35)

And, to come back to 64 (now 35) Lamb’s Conduit Street, which looks, from the outside, still very much as it had done at the time that Tallis produced his Street View (±1839). If we compare the elevation from Tallis at the top of this post with the Google Street View picture above, we can see that the house still has the same number of windows in the same place. The top floor seems to have been built with bricks of a lighter colour and the cornice between the second and third floor looks a bit odd, perhaps indicating that the top floor was not yet there when the houses were built and a later addition.

——————
(1) There was a Richard Gullett Whitfield, Apothecary and Secretary of the Medical School at St Thomas’s Hospital from 1833-1876, but there does not seem to be a close family link between him and William Benson.
(2) The will of James Benning is transcribed on the Will Transcriptions Website here.
(3) Thanks go to Catherine Ryan for helping me to sort out this web of relationships.
(4) Schools Inquiry Commission III (1866).
(5) Old Bailey case t18420103-582, online here.
(6) Old Bailey case t18490409-919, online here.
(7) PROB11/1985. Transcription copied from Will Transcription Website (see here).
(8) People and Patterns. The Carpet Weaving Industry in 19th century Barnard Castle, ed. Dennis Coggins, publ. The Friends of the Bowes Museum (1996), see also here. The London Gazette, 25 November 1845.

Neighbours:

<– 65 Lamb’s Conduit Street 63 Lamb’s Conduit Street –>

Thomas Treloar, cocoa nut fibre warehouse

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Street View: 14 Suppl.
Address: 42 Ludgate Hill

elevation

The picture above of the front of Treloar’s shop has suffered slightly from being depicted in the fold of the original Street View sheet, but it will have to do. Treloar’s coconut fibre warehouse only appeared in the 1847 Supplement; in the earlier edition of 1839 number 42 was still the Irish linen shop of Brown & Co. More on them some other time, but for now we will concentrate on the carpet shop. Thomas Treloar originally came from Portished, Somerset, but when he obtained his freedom of the City of London in April 1847, he listed his father as William Treloar, late of Bristol, gent., deceased. It is not entirely clear when Thomas came to London, but in the 1841 census he, his wife Elizabeth, their young son Thomas, and 60-year old Ann Treloar (Thomas’s mother?) could be found at Princes Road, Lambeth. Thomas is described as a clerk and when his second son, William Purdie Treloar, was baptised in 1843, Thomas is given the occupation of bookkeeper. From 1846, however, we find him at 42 Ludgate Hill, selling brass and iron bedsteads, mattresses and bed furniture. In a booklet he published in 1852, The Prince of Palms (online here), he claimed, however, to have been at Ludgate Hill from 1842 as he “respectfully presented” the booklet to his “numerous customers … with grateful acknowledgement for ten years of their patronage”. An 1846 advertisement for his shop lists the virtues of coconut fibre, not just for mattresses, but also for carpets and mats.(1)

1846-examiner-18-july

Illustration from The Prince of Palms

Illustration from The Prince of Palms

It is unclear whether Treloar ever lived above his shop in Ludgate Hill, as already in 1851, the census finds him and his growing family at 3 Dartmouth Terrace, Lewisham. When Elizabeth died in 1859, the address is given as Pitmain Lodge, Granville Park, Lewisham. In 1861, the family is still at Pitmain Lodge with Thomas senior as coconut fibre manufacturer and all three sons, Thomas junior, William Purdie and Robert, as commercial travellers. That same year, Thomas senior married Isabella Purdie, no doubt a relation of his or his first wife, judging by the fact that her last name was used as son William’s second name. In 1862, Treloar entered some of his fibre products in the International Exhibition and from the catalogue we learn that he had already won prize medals in other exhibitions.

1862-exhibition

At the beginning of that same year, on 2 January 1862, Treloar was mentioned in The Standard as having provided the matting that was laid in St. Paul’s Cathedral “by the kindness and liberality of the dean and chapter” and which would, according to the paper, “most assuredly contribute to the comfort of the numerous auditory”. For sure, one’s feet on matting in stead of on cold marble during evening service was no doubt more comfortable. But Treloar did not just stick to coconut fibres for his floor coverings; an advertisement of 26 August in The Standard also mentions kamptulicon, India rubber and Cork cloth. And a report on the Royal Agricultural Society’s International Show in June of that year mentions Treloar’s netting for sheepfolds, coir yarn for thatching, and kamptulicon of extra thickness for paving stables and padding stalls of kicking horses.

Advertisement in Frasers Magazine for Town and Country, 1865

Advertisement in Frasers Magazine for Town and Country, 1865

matting

Some pieces of Treloar’s floor coverings have been preserved and the Stockholm Nordiska museet (Nordic Museum) has uploaded some images of their collection onto DigitalMuseum. I have chosen the sample you see here because it includes a label, but you can see more items here.

In 1865, the Treloar warehouse is briefly listed at number 10, but later at 69 (which before the renumbering used to be the neighbouring property at number 9 and was occupied in 1847 by Harvey, a linen draper), which was across the road from the original shop at number 42. They also had premises at numbers 68 and 70, which was not the renumbered original shop at number 42 as that ended up under the new railway bridge, but the old numbers 38 and 39. The new building at nos 68/70 was designed in 1871 by J.R. Meakin for land investor Robert Pettit (information from Terence Hodgson). There was a lot of building going on at Ludgate Hill since 1864 when it was decided to allow the London, Chatham and Dover Railway Company to build a bridge across the street with the added ‘bonus’ of creating Ludgate Circus, all meant to improve traffic flow. In the twenty odd years following, property in Ludgate Hill itself was bought up to allow for the widening of the street. The houses were set back and the southern side was the first section (numbers 51-71) to be demolished. Terence Hodgson sent me an illustration from The Building News of 1873 showing Treloars new shop at number 69, for which my grateful thanks.

1873-building-news

1904-insurance-map

The improvement scheme of Ludgate Hill was more or less completed in 1889.(2) See for the involvement of William Purdie himself his Ludgate Hill, Past and Present (2nd ed. 1892; online here), esp. pp. 134-141. You may remember from a previous post that Hooper’s printing business moved to 69 Ludgate Hill in 1874 or 1875. There is no clash with Treloar as the gentlemen shared the building. Treloar used the ground floor, which, by the way, extended all the way back to Pilgrim Street, and Hooper used one (or more?) of the upper floors. Goad’s insurance map of 1886 just lists the occupants as “carpet warehouse & others”, but the 1904 insurance map says “carpet warehouse, stationers’ warehouse & offices over”. The colours on the 1904 map are not terribly bright, but if you click on it to enlarge, I think you will see what I mean. In an advertisement, Treloar’s made full use of the fact that their two shops were on opposite sides of the street by paving the street between his shops with one of their Turkish carpets. The same advertisement claims that Treloar’s were floor covering specialist for over 90 years, which would date the start of the business in 1833 or before (see bottom of this post). Well, possibly, but not at number 42 as that did not house a carpet manufacturing business before Treloar moved in.

Thomas senior died in June 1876, 58 years old. In the probate record he is still described as coconut fibre matting manufacturer, so he presumably had not yet retired.(3) In 1881, both William Purdie and Robert claim their Freedom of the City by patrimony and are described as of 69, Ludgate Hill, carpet factors. They continued the business under the name of Treloar & Sons until Robert died in 1898.(4). William Purdie, by then Sir William Purdie, died in 1923(5) and that is where my story ends. I will leave you with some advertisements for Treloar.

Advertisement in The Graphic, 23 April 1887

Advertisement in The Graphic, 23 April 1887

Advertisement in The Pall Mall Gazette, 14 April 1897

Advertisement in The Pall Mall Gazette, 14 April 1897

Advertisement in Punch, 1923

Advertisement in Punch, 3 October 1923

(1) The Examiner, 18 July 1846.
(2) The British Architect, vol. 32, 15 November 1889, p. 343.
(3) England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1876. Estate valued at under £35,000. Sons Robert and William Purdie were the executors.
(4) England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1898. Estate valued at roughly £16,500. Brother William Purdie is named as the executor.
(5) England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1923. Estate valued at roughly £36,600.

Neighbours:

<– 43 Ludgate Hill 41 Ludgate Hill –>

Robert Faraday, brass founder

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Street View: 62
Address: 114 Wardour Street

elevation

We all know Michael Faraday and his pioneering work into electromagnetics, but he was not the only technically-minded member of his family. His elder brother Robert ran a gasfitter’s and lighting company in Wardour Street. The land Tax records tell us that he had his business there at least since 1823 and in Pigot’s Directory of 1825, Robert is duly listed as brass manufacturer and founder at number 114. But laying gas pipes was not all Robert did, he was also heavily involved in the development and installation of more efficient lamps. In 1841, for instance, he installed new lighting at Tichborne Street School for the Paddington Schools Committee, and in 1843 he reacted to a report in the newspaper on a comparison made between the Bude and the Faraday lights. Bude lights had been invented by Goldsworthy Gurney and worked by introducing oxygen into the interior of the flame.

Morning Post, 8 November 1843

Morning Post, 8 November 1843

Morning Post, 10 November 1843

Morning Post, 10 November 1843

Please note that The Morning Post tried to blame the original report on the evening paper from which they had copied the article. Robert’s brother Michael had struck on the idea of ventilation in lamps when he worked with lighthouses, but he gave the invention to his brother, “I am most happy to give freely all my rights in it over to you”.(1) Robert received the patent for the improvements in ventilating gas- and oil-burners on 25 March 1843.(2) Earlier that same year, Robert’s son James wrote a booklet about the issue, Description of a Mode of Obtaining the Perfect Ventilation of Lamp-burners, explaining the mechanics involved.

page from James's Description. You can read the whole booklet here

page from James’s Description. You can read the whole booklet here

A few years later, disaster struck when Robert drove his gig in Hampstead Road. The newspaper reports vary in the reason why he was thrown from the gig, hitting his head, and losing consciousness. One report said he hit a post, but another said the horse had bolted and one of the reins gave way when Faraday tried to regain control, overturning the gig. Whatever the cause, the unlucky man was taken to University College hospital, but the fracture in his skull was so severe that he died the next day. The verdict of the coroner was “accidental death” with no-one to blame, but the police were reprimanded for not acquainting the family of the injured man with his condition the moment he was brought to the hospital, despite the fact that a letter with his address had been found on him, but only thought to do so the next day.(3)

portrait of Robert Faraday by Ellen Sharples (Source: milesbartoncom)

portrait of Robert Faraday by Ellen Sharples (Source: milesbartoncom)

1890-edinburgh-exhibition

After his father’s death, James continued the business in Wardour and after his own death in 1875, it was run by his son Harold.(4) The firm became known as Messrs. Faraday & Sons and secured some prestigious commissions, for instance from John Campbell, Lord Breadalbane. In 1834, he inherited Breadalbane House in Park Lane from his father, the 1st marquess of Breadalbane, and renovated parts of the interior to be in keeping with his idea of what an ancestral home should look like. Furniture was supplied by a friend of Pugin, Edward Hull, who ran a warehouse of antique furniture in Wardour Street. For a ball given in 1854, with Queen Victoria and the King of Portugal as guests, Breadalbane had a temporary hall erected, which was kitted out as a ‘Baronial Hall’ by John Gregory Grace. Faraday & Son were responsible for the “admirable mode of lighting”.(5)
The firm’s entries for the Electric Light Fittings Exhibition in Edinburgh received a favourable review in The Art Journal of August 1890; their designs were qualified as “of a novel and artistic character”, and the design of a Cupid holding a lamp aloft was given as an example of “a good design”. The Colonies and India newspaper of 9 April 1892 reported on another exhibition and said that “the admirable, sometimes severe, taste of Mr. Harold Faraday in artistic design is proverbial, and had never had more effective demonstration than in the fine display made by his firm at this exhibition. Mr. Faraday’s object … appears to be to differentiate electric-light fittings as far as possible from gas fittings. … Mr. Faraday’s designs have a distinction of their own”. In 1919, another company, specialising in chandeliers and Faraday’s merged to become Osler and Faraday Ltd, working from Wardour Street until 1925. They also had a showroom in Berners Street and various other cities in the UK. More on the history of the Osler company and how they ended up as part of Wilkinson’s PLC can be found here.

Page from a 1913 brochure for Faraday & Son

Page from a 1913 brochure for Faraday & Son

Chandelier by Faraday (Source: Ebury Trading)

Chandelier by Faraday & Son c.1910 (© Ebury Trading Ltd 2009)

(1) The Life and Letters of Faraday, ed. Bence Jones, vol. 2 (1870), p. 166″>(1) Robert received the p.
(2) Newton’s London Journal of Arts and Sciences, 1843.
(3) The Morning Post, 13 August 1846, and Daily News, 15 August 1846.
(4) England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1875. Estate valued at under £6,000.
(5) See for a description of Breadalbane House: ‘Park Lane’ in the Survey of London, Volume 40, the Grosvenor Estate in Mayfair, Part 2 – British History Online and for a picture of the ball room (fig. 68c) here.

Neighbours:

<– 113 Wardour Street 115 Wardour Street –>